Shooting ‘Miya’ Video | Will CM Himanta Biswa’s Hate Model Work In Assam Elections?
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma’s campaign—exemplified by a now-deleted BJP Assam social media video showing him firing a gun at unseen targets identified as “Miya”—has transformed the state’s March-April 2026 elections into a referendum on communal politics, with worrying implications for India’s democratic fabric.
The “Miya” Campaign
The February 7 video, featuring CM Sarma discharging a firearm, was explicitly framed as targeting individuals with “beard and white caps”—a clear reference to Muslim communities labeled “Miya” or “Bangladeshi infiltrators.” The 18-second clip was removed after widespread criticism, including a Supreme Court petition from Asaduddin Owaisi and others alleging incitement to violence.
Sarma’s messaging throughout the campaign has been consistent: Hindu voters must choose BJP to protect themselves from “Miya.” He has stated his job is to “make Miya’s life more difficult,” creating a society where “no one will give land to the Miya, no one will ride their rickshaw, nor will anyone buy goods from their cart.” This economic boycott rhetoric mirrors historical patterns of social exclusion.
When challenged, Sarma has claimed ignorance of the video while simultaneously defending the right to use the term “Miyan” to refer to Bangladeshi infiltrators—a categorization critics note lumps all Muslims together and echoes Nazi Germany’s dehumanizing language.
Historical Precedent and Escalation
The transcript traces this strategy to Gujarat under Narendra Modi, calling it a “laboratory of hatred” that has now “shifted to Assam via Uttar Pradesh… become more toxic and perhaps more politically effective.” The pattern: use state power to promote division, create an “us vs. them” narrative, distract from governance failures, and consolidate power through fear.
The comparison to Nazi Germany is explicit: senior officers in concentration camps shooting people of particular communities for pleasure. While hyperbolic, the analogy rests on observable tactics: normalizing violence through political messaging, scapegoating minorities, and using state machinery to advance majoritarian agendas.
Governance Record vs. Communal Focus
Despite five years in power, Assam faces significant challenges that could have formed the basis of a substantive campaign:
- Unemployment: 10% official unemployment rate; unofficially likely higher
- Tea workers: Daily wage of ₹250, far below subsistence; demand for ₹551
- Education: School dropout rates above national average
- Infrastructure: Questions about actual development vs. claims
Rather than highlighting achievements, Sarma has chosen exclusively communal mobilization. This suggests either the development record cannot withstand scrutiny, or the leadership believes communal polarization offers higher electoral returns. As the transcript notes: “If the work hasn’t been done… or whatever work has been done is so poorly done that it cannot be showcased much.”
Corruption Allegations
The Sarma government faces serious corruption accusations:
- Louis Berger scam (2015): U.S. company admitted bribing Indian officials; Sarma’s name surfaced when he was minister in charge of Guwahati Development; seven key files subsequently went missing
- Saradha scam: Sudipta Sen’s confessional letter (page 11) alleged Sarma took over ₹3 crore in cash
- 1991 TADA case: Caught taking ₹10 lakh bribe from banned outfit; 15 days police custody
- Land allegations: Congress claims Sarma and family possess 4,000 acres, acquired through agricultural-to-industrial conversion for massive value appreciation; promises redistribution if Congress wins
Sarma responded with a ₹500 crore defamation suit against Rahul Gandhi, Gaurav Gogoi, and others. The tit-for-tat suggests both sides have questions to answer.
The Opposition’s Disarray
The opposition’s weakness enables the hate campaign:
- Congress-AIADF rift: Congress wants 100 of 126 seats, leaving 26 for allies; AIUDF (third largest party, representing minority interests) feels snubbed and may contest independently, potentially splitting anti-BJP votes
- AIMIM entry: May further fragment opposition
- BJP unity: BJP and allies already negotiating seat sharing, demonstrating organizational coherence
The opposition’s inability to form a broad anti-BJP front mirrors Bihar’s experience, where infraction advantaged the NDA.
The Dangerous Formula
The transcript identifies the strategy clearly:
- Promote hatred daily through speeches, social media, official channels
- Switch to defensiveness when backlash grows: “We didn’t know,” “We’re not against Muslims,” “Miyan isn’t a Muslim word”
- Delete offending content while continuing the campaign in subtler forms
- Distraction: When questioned on substantive issues, escalate the identity war
This “oldest trick in the book” works because: “Improving jobs, economy, health care, and education… is complicated. Forget all that and people have been falling for this trick for centuries.”
Broader Implications
The Assam election becomes a bellwether:
- If BJP wins convincingly, the “Miya” rhetoric will be replicated in other states
- If BJP loses or wins narrowly, it signals limits to communal polarization
- The election tests whether voters prioritize identity over governance
- It measures the effectiveness of institutional checks: Election Commission’s response to hate speech, Supreme Court’s willingness to intervene, media’s ability to hold power accountable
The contrast with Assam’s actual history is stark: a state that united across communities during Bihu, that fiercely protected its Assamese identity through decades of struggle, now becomes a laboratory for injecting Hindu-Muslim division into everyday life.
What’s at Stake
Beyond Assam, the election will determine:
- Whether India’s secular character faces further erosion
- Whether economic distress can be overcome by communal mobilization
- Whether opposition unity matters in face of polarizing campaigns
- Whether institutions still function as checks
The transcript concludes with a stark choice: “Assam of Brahmaputra, Assam of Bihu, Assam of tea gardens… or Assam as a laboratory where the politics of Miyan, Muslim infiltrators and Madrasas is the only thing that prevails?”
If hate politics triumphs, “it will affect you, me, and our children. So we need to think about it now.”
The world watches whether Assam rejects the “hate model” or validates its spread across India.